Death Is A Natural Process

expiration Is A ingrained ProcessAbstract finale is a natural military operation undergo by every being. Yet, rules of orders stance towards finale and end has be fool out cardinal of forethought and avoidance. The intention of this essay was to consider factors that account for the gradual slip-up in complaisant lores of oddment. The exploration of historic develops of demolition identified the bear on surrounded by an augmentd aw atomic number 18ness and fear of finalrate, with the impact of checkup examinationisation. It acknowledges how the radical modifyments inside health complaint excite margined indian lodges exposure to remnant by trim back the number of premature dyings. Adaptations to the c ar of the dying be in like manner associated with the prevalence of the medical profession and the decline of religious influence. The essay steeplights sociological concerns all over the isolation of the dying, particularly when cargon training i s confined indoors the infirmary environment, causing demolition to be hidden from clubhouse. The diverse rituals and traditions demonstrated by a variety of subtletys were proved, along with the contrast in inhumation rites between the companionable classes. The psychological impact of remainder disputeed the potential difference of creating a regular fear of dying, through childhood favorableisation of end and grief.Removal of such(prenominal) fear and misconception is associated with the vision of alleviatory get by. Evaluation of its strategy identified its go to improve quality of life by promoting informed choice and unhurried focaliseed c are. It also acknowledge the limitations of its resources and the restriction of serve to specific conditions. The orgasm of all factors verbalised inside the essay is computer memoryamental to the changes in fond attitudes. An increased conscious(predicate)ness of mortality and the want to prolong life wheresoev er possible has contri notwithstandinged to a fear and denial of death. Overall, social perceptions of death and dying are submitive to pagan diversity and are conciliateive to the dynamics of society.In this world nothing rear end be said to be authorized, except death and taxes (Franklin, 1789, cited in The Phrase Finder, 2013).The words of Benjamin Franklin think the reality of deaths undeniable business office in natural existence. Yet, the subject of death is much widely associated with pathologicity than a universal biological work. precedent to the 19th deoxycytidine monophosphate, very unretentive research or literature puzzle such a taboo subject. This essay go out explore changes in social attitudes to death and dying, with particular focus on changes in historical patterns, rituals and traditions and the progression of the hospice movement. Pre-modern society was well acquainted with death the level offt, though tragic, was encountered with little surprise or overwhelming fear. The historical perspectives of death will epitome the contrast between such awareness and acceptance of mortality during the nerve center Ages, to modern societys focus on maintainion and cure.The rituals and traditions surrounding death will consider the inhumation rites associated with social and stinting status and dumbfound the symbolic interpretations of diverse cultures within society. The sociological impact of death will quantify the social disruptions caused by grief, and the decreed social go aways of death that leave to offset within society.Additional psychoanalysis of the press in attitudes towards death will discuss the notion that society is graduating towards further denial of death. It will examine the medias portrayal of death in society, along with the desire to control and prevent death through medical perception and engine room. A brief revaluation of the psychological perspective of dying will equal to socially constructe d attitudes to grieving. In particular, parental socialisation and childhood experiences of grief that contributes to a perpetuated fear of death.Finally, inquiry of the research into the growth of the hospice movement will reveal the history seat its evolution and review the pioneering work of Dame Cicely Saunders. Critical analysis of lenitive fretfulness will attempt to identify limitations of the service, along with the efforts by mitigatory care councils and charities, to ex ply services and prevent social exclusions. These services, when implemented effectively, report the potential to change societys perception of death and the dying fulfil.Historically, the find of death in western societies has clipd signifi housetly over the fail hardly a(prenominal) centuries. Improvements within childcare, education and the discovery of antibiotics, has limited societys experience of infant mortality and contributed to an overall increased life foretaste. Premature death of c hildren under the epoch of five was just 5% between 1990 and 2010, in comparison to the thousands that failed to prosper during the Middle Ages, due to poverty and complaints such as tuberculosis and the discolor Death (WHO, 2012, p19).Chronic and terminal illnesses such as cancers, cardiovascular disorders and respiratory diseases account for the majority of deaths among the diaphragm aged in contemporary society. The junior generation tends to be associated with deaths resulting from suicide, Aids and illnesses related to drug and alcohol ridicule (Taylor and Field, 2003, p156). Medical technology has contributed to the eradication of numerous diseases within western countries but it is yet to take effect on a world(prenominal) level. Populations within Africa continue to be affected by cholera, leprosy and malaria. Survival order are low due to extremes of poverty, unsanitary living conditions and limited approaching to medical treatment (WHO, 2012, p94).Death and dise ase was encountered during the Middle Ages with such regularity, it became slight feared. historiographer Aris (1974, p7), referred to death in this era as tamed death. Death was experience on a communal level as friends, family and even children visited the dying on their sick bed, with no theatrics, with no salient verbalise of emotion, (Aris, 1974, p13). Religious influence was prominent during the 11th and 12th century and great vehemence was rigid on the judgment of the individual on the last day of their life. A strong allegiance with church was believed to determine resurrection. Thus, the process of Ones own death, (Aris, 1974, p36) became much personal, indicating a great awareness of existence and mortality.The eighteenth century witnessed the most significant change in social attitude towards death. Thy death, as describe by Aris (1974, p66), intensified the emotional tantrum of separation. This lead to more pronounced displays of grief through a greater fear of neediness. The emotional impact of death contributed to a new desire to observe the prognosis of death and relocate the dying to the infirmary environment. Aris (1974, pp86-89), refers to this as the Forbidden death as traditional rituals of death were disposed and replaced by clinical practices of the medical profession. The religious figures office of overseeing the death process was relinquished to the physicians.Sociologists such as Elias (1985, cited in Giddens, 2009, pp320-321), acknowledge that medicalisation has enabled greater solicitude of emblem and pain control. However, in doing so, the dying are pushed behind unappealing doors through a social need to civilise the death process. He urges the promise of death free from pain and distress whitethorn come at the emotional expense of patients as dying in hospital is both isolating and lonely. Caring for the terminally ill in hospitals became the cultural norm and was the site of approximately three quarters of all deaths by the 1950s. Ironically, many elderly people are more fearful of the institutionalisation of hospitals and care for homes than death it self. They feel a wrong of identity when outside from social circles and loved ones, to an unfamiliar environment where care is provided by strangers (Kearl, ND).Conversely, many sociologists argue that medicalisation of death has established positive social functions. Kellehear (2000, cited in Howarth, 2007, p135) maintains that good death is subject to a degree of social linguistic rule, reliant on the collaborationism of the patient, their family and the medical profession. He claims that if the responsibility of care is placed in medical hands, the patient and their family can be proactive with preparations and the organisation of personal matters. He argues, in certain tidy sum the patient may continue to work, promoting self -worth and a valued contribution to society.Continuation of social use of goods and servicess is certifi ed on the nature and progression of the condition. Illnesses that cause a gradual decline in health and an anticipated death, arguably, score little impact on society. fast and premature deaths can evoke more intense reactions within society and require lengthier periods of readjustment (Clark and Seymour, 1999, p11). Diseases such as AIDS can displume negative societal judgment, causing sufferers to withdraw from social interaction. They may experience a loss of identity to the disease and choose to keep the steel hidden from social view (Moon and Gillespie, 1995, p89).Deaths caused by AIDS and suicide tend to receive slight empathy due to the perception of personal responsibility. Yet, some cultures in Japan view suicide as an honourable act with no attachment of religious punishment. The high rates of suicide among Japanese women over the age of 75 are thought to relieve the burden of care and responsibility from loved ones. Although suicide is still perceived negatively by Western societies it does not theorise such extreme attitudes of the Middle Ages. The historical shame attached to suicidal death led to the denial of tight-laced burial rites. Suicide victims were often buried in the same path as criminals and the poor of society, in unnoted graves and ditches (Howarth, 2007, p65).Burial within the confines of the church was the privilege of the wealthy. Those of high social status endeavoured to potent a burial plot under the flagstones, or within the walls of the church, believe this increased their chance of resurrection (Aris, 1974, p18). The poor did not qualify for such opportunities. Their burial was of little significance to the churches entrusted with the care of the lifeless. The poor were buried in either, unmarked graves or rangy communal ditches. As the pits became piled high with the deceased, cured ditches were re-opened and the remaining bones were removed (Aris, 1974, pp18-22). This was common practice until the 18th centu ry when concerns were raised over the escape of respect shown towards the remains of the deceased. Tombs were introduced to accommodate the dead and reduce the risk of disease from the foul smelling ditches (Aris, 1974, p70).The evolution of job as a value profession and business replaced the primitive role adopted by carpenters and grave diggers. The do itment of death and burial came at a high price as funeral processions developed into a spectacle of wealth and social status. Little consideration was given to the poor, who, in extreme circumstances would store bodies of their loved ones until able to pay the funeral be. The poor were also at the mercy of thieves involved in stealing recently expired corpses and marketing them to the medical profession for analysis. They could not afford to pay for reinforced coffins or graves that offered protection within the confines of the cemetery. Such was the stigma of a paupers burial, people began to take out burial insurance and of ten went without nutrient to maintain contributions to their policy (Howarth, pp222-242).The change magnitude cost and unsanitary nature of burial motivate an influential figure, Sir Henry Thompson, surgeon to Queen Victoria, to propose an preference method of dealing with deceased. In 1874 he founded the Cremation Society of England and began the lengthy effort for the legalisation of cremation. Despite continued opposition from the Home Office, it was eventually pronounced legal in 1884 during the trial of Dr William Price in a federation Glamorgan courtroom. Price was an 83 year old man who was arrested for attempting to cremate the eubstance of his five month old son. The judge, Mr Justice Stephen, declared cremation would be permitted as long as the process did not impact negatively on others. This gave rise to the construction of crematoriums and the realisation of the cremation movement on a global scale. During the 19th century The Cremation Society of England became T he Cremation Society, forcing the Home Office to recognise this as a legal alternative to burial and issue cremation regulations that remain present to date. The Roman Catholic faith was also forced to acknowledge the shift in unexclusive opinion towards cremation. This led to the Pope lifting the ban that previously forbade catholic priests from conducting services in crematoriums (Cremation Society of great Britain, 1974).Although cremation has accommodate more and more popular in contemporary society, many continue to uphold the traditional ritual of burial. The expansion of cemeteries within closemouthed proximity of museums and parks has created more accessible environments and a society inclusive of the deceased (Kearl ND). Decorative memorial statues and headstones are more prevalently adorned by floral displays and traditional blush wreaths, symbolising continuity and eternity.Symbolism associated with the rites of passage reflects the varied cultural traditions withi n society. Colour is a universal symbol of death and grief, yet in that respect are such variations of colour worn by different cultures. cutting has been the traditional colour to mark the period of lamentation within Britain. A torn black ribbon worn on clothing is also significant to Jewish culture and is worn for the first seven years of their mourning period. Conversely, white is worn by Sikh, Buddhist and some Hindi cultures, symbolising purity and eternal life. (Everplans, ND). Mourning periods are also subject to cultural diversity and social regulation, as normal routines and social interactions adapt to the beliefs and traditions of the individual.The sociological impact of death and its associated mourning period are socially disruptive on a variety of levels. From a functionalist perspective, the societal roles of those close to the deceased may be compromised by extensive grieving periods that can negatively impact upon the equilibrium of society. Whilst the customa ry ritual of mourning is acknowledged by society, there is a limit to its tolerance. There is an vestigial emergency for the individuals to resume their roles and re-integrate with their social groups (Howarth, 2007, p235). The depth of disruption to social order is dependent on the number and circumstances of death and the re-distribution of roles within social groups. Historically, the set up of the Black Death on the working class connection were experienced on a far greater scale through the loss of so many lives. Yet, the social groups of the upper class were able to function to some degree. They utilised their wealth and status, retreating to sanctuaries to protect themselves, whilst continuing their positions and roles from a dependable distance. Re- brass of roles is essential, not altogether to maintain societys dexterity to function, but also to limit the pecuniary cost of death (Kearl, ND).As Marx (1964, pp71-73) argued, a capitalistic society has little sympathy for the workers, who, in their attempts to see the quests of the ruling class drop themselves at greater risk of death. The focus remains on the potential disruption to work and its threat to capitalism. Working hours lost to grief and mourning reduces production and profits. Death also provides opportunities for financial gain within a capitalist society insurance policies, funeral and burial costs undoubtedly contribute to capitalist economic wealth.Social mechanisms have evolved throughout history to reduce the disruption of death to society. During the Middle Ages, when childhood mortality was commonplace, people were socialise to refrain from forming a deep attachment to their children. legion(predicate) did not refer to their children by their names until they reached a certain age, as survival of the fittest rates were low. Women often gave birth many times to increase the likelihood of the survival of at least one child. Through the effects of medicalisation, premature deaths have been significantly reduced. Medical institutions have increased the promotion of health awareness to minimise the risk of death and its disruption to society. Death itself has become less visible as social systems of modern society have contributed to the institutionalisation of the dying. Funeral arrangements have become a more discrete process through military commission of matters to businesses specialise in the management of death (Kearl, ND).Death, though disruptive, has evident positive social functions. Societys rules of succession allow the social roles of the deceased to be surrendered to family members or the wider fellowship, creating the potential of social mobility. Death also functions to control an ever increasing population, whilst its fear induces a greater level of social control and concurrence (Kearl, ND). An increased awareness of mortality can promote reflection on the values of a society. When death is experienced on a large scale, communities demonstrate a collective approach to morals and values. Social bonds are formed as they attempt to cope with tragic circumstances and are united in grief (Howarth, 2007, p112).Tragedies and natural disasters that lead to mass death receive extensive global media coverage. Televised news reports provide visual access to scenes such as the gunfire during the Gulf War and the terrorist attacks on the earthly concern Trade Center. Despite the morbid aspect of death, television shows such as ER, Six Feet Under and House, depict scenes of death and dying that have become a part of popular culture. Film productions incorporating death as the underlying theme are presented crossways a variety of genres such as westerns, horrors and comedy. References to death do not escape the music industry, expressly within the lyrics of rap and heavy metal songs. The description of violent acts, coupled with the murders of well-known(a) musicians within the rap culture, no doubt contribute to the dark and morbid image of death (Durkin, 2003, p44). Sensationalising media reports on the deaths of public figures and celebrities heighten the curiosity of the public and instigate outpouring displays of grief. The term dark tourism outlined by Marchant and Middleton (2007, p2) highlights the increasing phenomenon of visiting scenes of tragic death like the Nazi assimilation camps and Ground Zero. It suggests that such behaviour may not simply go by out of grief and sympathy, rather, curiosity and a desire to connect with the event. Fundamentally, the trace is that society may be more open to face death than deny or hide from it.Contemporary western societies have been described by some sociologists as death denying, a result of the medicalisation of death. The dynamics of society have become rivet on finding cures for illness, disease and the prevention of death wherever possible. Advancements within the medical and pharmaceutical field have make significant progress in prolonging life. However, the involvement of such specialised medical technology is often limited to clinical environments. Arguably, this contributes to social isolation of the sick. The invisibility of death not only shields the death process, it protects the family members and social groups within society. If medical technologies and tools were not utilised in the management of death, it may be deemed as a capitalist attempt to limit costs within health care provision. Many social scientists argue that medicalisation has, in fact, enabled a degree of acceptance towards death. They maintain that the active scientific approach to healthcare increases the acceptance of death when it is beyond the control of science (Zimmerman and Rodin, 2004, p125).Scientific analysis and discoveries have provided western societies with a greater awareness of environmental risks. rude(a) disasters, often referred to as Acts of God, may not be controlled by science however, modern technology has increased the accuracy of predicting such events (Howarth, 2007, p77). Whilst, prediction can facilitate a greater level of preparation and reduce the risk of death, it is essentially beyond all control.The nature of death can itself be shaped by society in relation to the cultural, social and economic environment. Durkheims exploration of societal influence on death was examined during his suicide study (Appendix 1). His investigation highlighted the correlation between economic instability during periods of both imprint and prosperity and an increase in suicide rates. He maintained that societal forces were of greater influence than an individuals state of mind. The conclusions of Durkheims study were based on authorized statistics, therefore, it is reasonable to question their true reflection of society (Giddens, 2009, pp16-17). However, his argument that death is a social problem is plausible. It is societys response to death that is reflected in the queer rituals and symbolic meanings es tablished to provide a coping mechanism for death and dying (Howarth, 2007, p15).The high rate of suicide among young males is one of the more significant statistics in modern society. The common perception of the male as the provider may cause increased compress to compete successfully for social and economic resources. Failure to meet such expectations can make suicide seem like a viable solution to the problem. The oblige to maintain the masculine role and the reluctance to seek assistance is subservient to the male approach when faced with death and grief (Howarth, 2007, pp64-65).Grief is considered by some social scientists as a universal reaction to the loss of human life. Yet, the subjective nature and extent of grief can deepen between culture, social class and gender. During the late 19th century, unlike men, middle class women were encouraged to grieve openly as greater emphasis was placed on the caring and sympathetic disposition of their role. Functionalists, in thei r perception of the natural constituent of gender roles, would argue that exhibitions of male grief are a sign weakness and damaging to the masculine role (Howarth, 2007, pp223-231). precedent to medical advancements many women, particularly in the working class, died during childbirth. Husbands often remarried fleetly after the death of their spouse to re-establish the female role of housewife and mother.In modern day society, there have been numerous studies that indicate higher(prenominal) levels of mortality occur within close proximity of the death of a spouse. Objective analysis of these circumstances may identify other impart factors that have a causal link such as lack of appetite, a change in lifestyle and the increased emotional and financial stress that accompanies death and loss (Gross and Kinnison, 2007, p372). As mourning has become less of a public display within society, Aris (1974, p91) suggests that such sagacity may influence the high rates of mortality among surviving spouses. He argues that society has become less accepting of grief, causing the bereaved to withhold emotion through fear of judgement.Grief does not always imitate death, it can precede it by those facing death. Psychologist Kbler-Ross developed a framework classifying the five stages of grief Denial, Anger, Bargaining, Depression and Acceptance, all relating to the anticipation and process of dying (Kbler-Ross, 1970, pp34-99). Whilst these stages provide an insight and explanation to the emotions experienced, generalisations should not be made concerning the grieving process. The five stage theory (Appendix 2) is to some degree a one size fits all approach and may not reflect the multi-cultural society of today. However, there is room for variation and flexibility within each stage of the Kbler-Ross framework that may be applicable to certain cultures.Gross and Kinnison (2007, pp378-379) maintain that childhood grief is also subjective to culture and socialisation, rat her than a generalised stage process. They argue that children of modern society are often shielded from the realities of death, resulting from parental fear and denial of death. Feelings and emotions expressed by those surrounding them have the potential to shape the childs outlook and ability to contend with death. Kbler-Ross (1970, p6) argues that children who are present in an environment where death has occurred and are given the opportunity to talk rather than being removed from the environment, can share in the grieving and mourning process. Death indeed has the potential to be less feared and more accepted as a natural part of life.Nurses and medical staff involved in the care of the dying are far more exposed to all aspects of death and grief than most. Communication with dying patients and sensing the appropriate time to discuss issues of terminal illness is a underlying, yet challenging part of the role. Consequently, many healthcare professionals utilise a form of beha viour referred to by psychologists as blocking. This enables them to avoid confrontation of such issues by changing the subject and re-directing the focus onto less pessimistic issues. Although the predominant focus of medicine is to cure, the dynamics of care for terminally ill patients have progressed allowing greater emphasis to be placed on care. This has been motivated by the increasing growth of the hospice movement (Gross and Kinnison, 2007, pp377-378). development of the hospice can be traced back to the Middle Ages when its function was to provide nurse and care for the sick, elderly, orphans and the poor. The progression of medicalisation during the 19th century, led to the establishment of new hospitals that focused on the management and cure of financially profitable illnesses, such as scurvy and leg ulcers. The chronically ill and dying were deemed as inapplicable and non-profitable patients. Subsequently, medical and spiritual care was provided in sanctuaries by rel igious orders (Clark and Seymour, 1999, pp66-67).The twentieth century witnessed the greatest change in the provision of care for the terminally ill. In 1967, St. Christophers Hospice was founded by Dame Cicely Saunders. It was the first of its kind, crack management of symptom control and care alongside clinical research. Saunders trained as a nurse, a medical social worker and eventually a physician. She was motivated to work within the care of the terminally ill as the general consensus among clinicians was that little could be offered to these patients. Her pioneering work within the hospice inspired charitable organisations to fund the construction of many more hospices. St. Christophers hospice eventually panoptic its services to the wider community in 1969 (St.Christophers.org, ND).The expansion of community based care led to an increase in funding from charitable organisations for the provision of specialist cancer nurses. As the hospice movement gathered momentum, there w as an alteration in the terminology of this division of care, from terminal to palliative care. Distancing the association of terminal with imminent death aimed to shell out the misconception that patients qualifying for palliative services were at the end stages of life. Although hospices were initially reliant on charitable funds, the elevating costs of clinical treatments and increased life prevision forced many to apply for NHS state funding. The involvement of the NHS not only induced financial support but also an element of regulation (Clark and Seymour, 1999, pp74-78). The influence of government funding within hospices has generated concern among some sociologists, who fear the hospice movement is in danger of losing sight of its original vision. The focus on professionalism and quality audits has led to comparisons of hospices with large organisational institutions, guilty of routinisation (James and Field, 1992, pp1363-1375). moderating care services are difficult to me asure as the nature of the service is to manage care and symptom control rather than to cure. Palliative care focuses on the value of quality of life rather than the medical model of measuring rod of life (Appendix 2).Palliative care and the hospice movement have predominantly been associated with terminal diseases such as cancer, AIDS and motor neurone disease. Yet, there has been an increasing demand for services to be inclusive of other lesser known conditions (Seymour, 2007). Many organisations are now actively working towards the provision of services crossways a wider spectrum, through data analysis and interaction with government agencies and politicians (National Council for Palliative Care, 2012). A key issue is the limitation of available resources and funds to meet the increased demand. Support and guidance extends to the family affected by the illness, exerting further pressure on the service to adapt the delivery of care in conformation to the family structure and dy namics. Consideration of varying traditions within a multi-cultural society is fundamental to the success of the service (Becker, 2009).The demographic changes to society and increased life expectancy have intensified the expectation of services to be available for extended periods. Access to palliative care in a modern capitalist society has led to a postcode lottery. The poor of society are at greater risk of being deprived of services if they bide in damp, cold and lower quality housing, deemed an unsuitable environment for community based care (Seymour, 2007). Less affluent areas of society with a high proportion of ethnic minorities are also significantly under-represented as palliative care service users. The language barrier and lack of information is a significant issue as patients and families are not fully aware of the referral procedure. For many cultures accepting a provision of care from outside agencies removes the responsibility from the extended family (Beresford, A dshead, Croft, 2006, pp146-151).Palliative care services are not substantially accessible to the homeless of society. They are often reluctant to attend appointments in an unfamiliar environment, for fear of judgment or isolation. New initiatives such as St. Mungos Palliative Care Project, aim to tackle this issue by offering support and guidance to homeless sufferers and the professionals who work alongside them (National Council for Palliative Care, 2012). St. Christophers have also collaborated with the University of Baths Centre for Death and Society, to promote services. Through the utilisation of media resources and technology they are able to extend services to non-resident patients and prevent social exclusions (Centre for Death and Society, 2012).Professor Ilora Finlay has become a modern day pioneer of the hospice movement. Her role as the first consultant in Palliative Medicine at Cardiff University and work within parliament has led to the implementation of her palliati ve care strategy. This strategy has facilitated the enhancement of patient-focused services across Wales. Finlay is also responsible for the establishment of distance learning courses in palliative care, achieving international recognition and add to the increasing number of palliative care clinicians (Finlay, 2009, pp349-351). There is a recognised need for re-investment in palliative care to develop professional skills across a wide range of services. The benefits will not only improve patients quality of life but also reduce unnecessary NHS hospital admissions and the financial cost to the economy (Association for Palliative Medicine, 2010). Arguably, there would be less expectation of society to change its attitude towards dying, if, the focus remained on the provision of resources to prevent anxiety and facilitate a good death (Zimm