'Structural Functionalist Theory\r'

'This essay is an attempt to hash out the problems semi disposalal parties in Zambia atomic get along 18 facing by using structural-functionalist and their contri nonwithstandingions to liberal democracy. The academic piece shall drive by defining the key terms; those being, structural-functionalist, brassal parties and liberal democracy. This will be followed by a comprehensive discussion of governmental parties, focused on, with examples, the Zambian scene. Lastly, a brief conclusion based on the discussion will be outlined.â€Å"Functionalism reserves that clubhouse is a complex organization whose various parts conk together to produce perceptual constancy and solidarity” (Giddens 2006:20). It withal views ball club in terms of their functions. Merton (1968), made an important an nonations between manifest and latent functions. The manifest functions of an institution be open, stated, conscious functions. They involve intended, recognised consequences of an aspect of the society such as the university’s role in classifying academic competence and excellence.By contrast, latent functions as unconscious mind or unintended functions and may reflect conceal purposes of an institution. Structural-functionalist acknowledges that not all parts of the society present to its constancy all the clock time. This function refers to an element or process in society that may rattling disrupt as social system or lead to a decrease in stability” (Schaefer, 2004: 14). Social life depends on unity and cooperation of a group.The functionalist points out that for society to be st commensurate the contrastive parts of the society must contri fur at that place to the stability of society. For instance, the teachers should teach the society to reduce illiteracy, the doctors atomic number 18 making sure that society is healthy, and the police maintain order. because society becomes stable since everyone is contributing. tally to Ma cIver (1962), a insurance-making political party is an association organized in stand up of slightly principles or insurance policy which constitutional manner it endeavors to make the determinant of government.Not only that, a semipolitical party consists of a group of citizens, to a greater extent or less organized, who subroutine as a political unit and who by the use of their voting motive, take to control the government and delight out their popular policies. Similarly, a political party is different from a pressure group, though in some cases the distinction between the both is al roughly blurred. concord to goon (1976), It may be said that a political party is an organization of numerous people who argon openly committed to broad matters of public policy and who want to assume direct responsibility for their policies by seeking monopolize power or deal it with other parties in a position of political power.According to Barker (1951), the panorama of a party system is so fluid that a good number of pressure groups be welcome identical political parties. The cases of atomisation and polarization of political parties may also be taken note of. It is also possible that some minor political organizations emerge at the time of elections and then they disappear. But the most essential detail remains that three, four even more parties debate to share power.For instance, in Zambia before voting is taken place, there are m any(prenominal) parties heard like Movement for Multiparty Development (MMD), United ships company for subject area Development (UPND), Patriot Front (PF) and Heritage Party (HP). But at the end of elections only few will be available to be healthy holding oppositenesss party for example the UPND and MMD. Political parties act as a check against the tendency of dictatorship and totalitarianism, ideologies also known by names such as ‘Caesarism’ and ‘Bonapartism’ (CITE). When one party forms government or few form coalition to hold power, other parties play a role of underground.It not only keeps the government vigilant, it also prevents it from being whimsical and irresponsible. The leaders of the oppositeness expose acts of corruption, nepotism, s sessdals and maladministration in which ample men in power are involved. According to Lasswell (1950), the political parties enable the power to hold the government in check. The constant presence of a recognized opposition is an obstacle to despotism, with a programmed lovelyly at heart the limits of a possible public opinion, is a mole against the tyranny, not only of a despot but also a practical political majority.Significant political developments assimilate occurred in Zambia since the 2001 tripartite elections. After having had two previous elections in 1991 and 1996, the 2001 elections produced a multiparty Parliament for the introductory time since Zambia’s independence in 1964. These elections fron t to signal that the country has mintd from a possessive one party political system to a competitive multi-party system According to The Post report (20/01/2013), opposition parties feel serious financial difficulties.And for the rude(a) member of the opposition, MMD, this is even worse. The MMD doesnt know how to operate without a lot of funds. They were used to receiving a lot of money from all sorts of characters doing business with government. And the MMD was also parasitic on government institutions for resources. As a result of this, a series of other problems have appeared. Passions about the approaching of their party rightly fired people up, but wrongly led them to attack and despise their colleagues. The preserve of disunity upon members of the party is clear to see.They must in the very near future l make headway again to endanger the camaraderie and common purpose that are original to a partys prospects. If they dont do so, they stand no play of being re-elect ed Also, according to Okar (2005), the ruling parties deliberately take a â€Å"divide-and rule” tactic to fragment and relegate the opposition parties. Wilson (1956) says, â€Å"The numbers of parties that appeared with the opening to democratization is not a demonstration of increased employment, but earlier of fragmentation and therefore weakness of the party systems”.Zambia had more than five political parties, and the dominant party was the work for multi party democracy (MMD), which ruled the country since 1991 to 2011. According to The Post Newspaper (20/01/2013), opposition political parties like, UPND, that was edge together by regional, heathen and language ties is also now failing to conceal its problems and challenges. The regional, tribal and cultural glue that held them together is also starting to weaken. The hopes that they had of getting into government by 2011 have disappeared. The illusions that they had about their popularity have also dried up.And they can no seven-day deny the fact that they are a regional political party that has serious problems and challenges becoming national. Their assumption and pomposity can no longer carry them. The bragging of being this and that has proved unsustainable because it is unrealistic. They can no longer get to be the most educated, the most knowledgeable when it comes to business and economic matters, the leading entrepreneurs. sevensary statistics actually show that UPND has the least educated members of parliament of the three major political parties.And their leader, Hakainde Hichilema, who tried to image himself as a leading entrepreneur, an outstanding economist and a very rich man can no longer lay much claim to these credentials. According to Mwansa,(2012), The leadership of opposition parties suffer from overly rated ambition for power and pride, such that it overcrowds their effective participation on important national matters that affect the mass and poor peop le. They could be more effective by engaging government and the ruling party in debating policy frameworks on how to develop the country.Particularly, pushing policies that reference book the needs of poor people such as improving access to clean water and sanitation, spirit healthcare, education, rural and agricultural development, and debate macroeconomic policy frameworks required for growth and development, critically contributing to privation eradication, employment creation and addressing inequalities. According to Soko, (2013), the opposition parties have to find their own political shoes instead than to follow in Satas shoes if they are to earn confidence of the electorates on social and developmental programmers’.The strategies the opposition want to use today, of protesting against the Chief Justice, the demand to have a medical board to examine professorship Satas health, the demand to have the constitution changed, among others were Satas strategies when h e was in the opposition. The opposition just seem to be cycle Satas political strategies with the hope of gaining confidence and trust from the Zambians but this will not work for them as they are being viewed as imitators instead of being initiators.Opposition parties are also not given a fair meet by media. Media is always criticizing them and portraying opposition parties in a horrible way. All promote is upon the ruling party which is not supposed to be the case. Lastly, one of the very crucial problems in Africa at present is the unwillingness of the incumbent parties to be opposition parties due to their over-dependence on the benefits available to the ruling parties. Therefore, they are ill-equipped to become the opposition.In conclusion, the ruling party in Zambia should try by all means to stop the opposition parties in some development decisions, there also has to be inter-party dialogue over how to move beyond the dominant party situation. Because the ruling party fee l comfortable once in power and do not want to give chance to the opposition parties to rule the nation. Media should also be an individual source of information and not favor any party but be like a no man’s land that is not owned by anyone, the opposition parties should be able to broadcast their manifestos to the public.\r\n'